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ΕΝ ΚΑΛΟΙΣ ΚΟΙΝΟΠΡΑΓΙΑ. Hommages à la mémoire de Pierre-Louis Malosse et Jean Bouffartigue, édités par EUGENIO AMATO, avec la collaboration de VALÉRIE FAUVINET-RANSON et BERNARD POUDERON, octobre 2014 (XX + 544 p. avec 2 photos h.t.). [ISBN 978-2-9551237-0-6]
[publication en ligne : 11/10/2014]
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—Avant-propos, par EUGENIO AMATO, VALÉRIE FAUVINET-RANSON et BERNARD POUDERON – p. III-IV.
—Commémoration de Pierre-Louis Malosse, par BERNARD SCHOULER – p. V-XIII.
—Commémoration de Jean Bouffartigue, par CHARLES GUITTARD – p. XV-XIX.
∴ ∴ ∴
1. EUGENIO AMATO
Dione di Prusa precettore di Traiano – p. 3-28.
Abstract: The addressee of Dio Chrysostom’s or. 18 (“On training for public speaking”) is not Titus before his elevation to the position of emperor, as suggested by Paolo Desideri, nor Nerva, according to Wilhelm von Christ, but Trajan.
2. LAURY-NURIA ANDRÉ
L’image de la fluidité dans la construction du paysage urbain d’Antioche chez Libanios : pour une poétique de « l’effet de retour » – p. 29-51.
Abstract: The Antiochikos, is a speech that was the subject of archaeological and literary readings, but not yet of a landscape reading in an aesthetic sense. The issue of urban landscape is essential and the procedures of its construction by the text reveals the socio-historical place that landscape could occupy in Late Antiquity. If the speaker built his text according to the uses of a overused topical, however there are specific associations in the description of the landscape of Antioch that reveal the uniqueness of the Antiochikos. How should we understand the recurring use of the image of the flow (water and wind) used when the rhetorician is seeking comparisons borrowed from arts and great literature references ? This dynamic of fluidity, which has its own movement made of ebb and flow, is actually the base of a « return effect » poetic. This paper aims to show that it is through the landscape (in an aesthetic sense) that the consistency of this city is build, not only in the text, but also, by a “return effect”, in the reality and in the everyday of Greek people during the imperial era.
3. BÉATRICE BAKHOUCHE
Quelques remarques sur les présocratiques à Rome : la figure d’Empédocle de Cicéron à saint Augustin – p. 53-71.
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to study the references to Empedocles’ philosophy in a few Latin texts. We shall analyze not only doxographic passages but also quotations of Empedoclean fragments and commentaries. We will show that what is said about Empedoclean system concerns essentially the daimon and the becoming of soul, its immortality and the metempsychosis – all points that connect this philosopher to another Presocratic philosopher, Pythagoras.
4. SYLVIE BLÉTRY
Guerre et paix entre Perse et Byzance au temps de Justinien : si vis pacem, para bellum. Les apports de l’étude du cas historique et archéologique de Zenobia – p. 73-101.
Abstract: The long-lasting rivalry between the Roman Empire and the Sassanid Persians began as soon as they appeared on the limes in the mid third century AD. It is traditionally considered as having been especially intense during the sixth century, with the campaigns of the reign of Anastasius and even mores during the Justinian times, even if the war periods were relatively brief. But the situation was probably more complex. It has to be kept in mind that neither Kavadh nor Khosrô, nor the Byzantine emperors had any strong interest in conquering any territories from their enemies; they apparently preferred peace, while preparing the war with measures intended to impress the enemy. The Sassanid apparently preferred to wage short campaigns and razzias, which brought them immediate tributes and prestige. And Justinian was certainly more interested into the preservation of the status quo. Both Empires usually hired Arab tribes on the front line and the territories nearby, and most of the time signed treaties, which were supposed to last. In the peace concluded in 562, they even agreed on places where the commercial relations were authorized. Nevertheless Justinian undertook to forge strong religious and diplomatic relations with potential enemies of the Persians and took the occasions of the peace periods to reinforce the cities on the limes. This line was in fact a double one, an occidental one being along the middle Euphrates valley. The small fortress of Zenobia is a good example of this policy. Procopius’s description in his De Ædificiis has often been criticized, especially when he ascribes the works on the city walls to Justinian. A Syrian-French mission, working on the field since 2006, has continued Jean Lauffray’s the exploration of the site undertaken during the 1940’. Its results seem to confirm that the city walls were indeed partly rebuilt during the reign of Justinian and conjecture a restitution of the for-mer fortification.
5. MARIE-ODILE BOULNOIS
Le Contre les Galiléens de l’empereur Julien répond-il au Contre Celse d’Origène ? – p. 103-128
Abstract: As Jean Bouffartigue has shown, only a small number of objections raised by Emperor Julian in his Contra Galilaeos had previously been adduced by his predecessor Celsus. However, this study attempts to show that Julian may have read the Contra Celsum of Origen and tried to reply to it, either by filling the lacunae of Celsus’ pamphlet or by refuting Origen’s answers. Indeed, while Origen indicates that Celsus neglected, deliberately or through ignorance, many arguments or biblical texts – in particular those concerning the Messianic prophecies –, we see that these arguments are specifically referred to by Julian, sometimes in terms that correspond closely to the Contra Celsum. Furthermore, Julian seems to confute Origen’s argumentation, either by using the same method of comparison e.g. for the question of the primacy of the Bible in relation to pagan writings (he uses the same examples: Decalogue, Solomon, Jesus versus Asclepius challenge), or by refuting the explanation of the diversity of nations through the episode of Babel.
6. CATHERINE BRY
Acacios, l’autre sophiste d’Antioche – p. 129-152.
Abstract: One is inclined to regard Libanius as the only official sophist of his time in Antioch. As a matter of fact, though his texts provide us with information about education in the Syrian metropolis, we don’t learn much about contemporary fellow teachers working there. Nevertheless, we know a little more about one of them, Acacius, who was so famous that Libanius himself considered him as his rival. From what we know about him, we can assume he was an official sophist if we take account of three major facts: he perceived a public salary, the governor stepped in when he first tried to leave Antioch definitively and he taught in the Mouseion which was part of the vast Bouleuterion complex. But one of Libanius’ letters gives us the most important information about him: he had been appointed by a decree of the Antiochian council as the higher ranking sophist. The only remaining doubt lies about Acacius’ precise status: was he an imperial or a municipal sophist, knowing that our modern distinction is based on who appointed the sophist, who paid him and what type of salary he should receive (in kind or cash)? Actually, testimonies given by Libanius referring to his own career or to other teachers’ show to what extent Imperial and municipal levels of power were intermingled in terms of responsibility for the recruitment and salary of sophists. It thus seems obvious that we should reconsider our approach of the matter.
7. BERNADETTE CABOURET
Une épigramme funéraire d’Antioche – p. 153-164.
Abstract: A funerary epigram from Antioch tells us about funeral practices in the eastern Roman world. Traditions are shared with occidental part of the Empire. A young man seated which may represent the death and the verses that accompany the figure stress on the importance of the familial cult and pietas.
8. JEAN-PIERRE CALLU
Deux réflexions à propos de la structure de l’Histoire Auguste – p. 165-168.
Abstract: Maxence’s relative rehabilitation in HA, Heliog. 35, 6 would be conceivable in the 370s, or better in the 380s. By this time, the main part of Historia Augusta would have been entirely completed, the 244-260 big lacuna affecting, on the contrary, the first supplement of Pollio, the manuscript of which was mutilated in its beginning. It is impossible to fix at what intervals this continuation was achieved, just as for the second one composed by Vopiscus.
9. MARILENA CASELLA
Elogio delle virtù nell’immagine politica di Giuliano in Libanio – p. 169-195.
Abstract: Libanius’ Julianic orations play an important role to move closer to knowledge of the interior portrait of this emperor. Julian’s personality is based on four virtues: philoponia, phronesis, philanthropia, sophrosyne. These virtues are panegyrical topoi in the eulogy of the rulers (Basilikos logos), and in the Libanian context they are freely reused, adapted to the present in order to return an image of Julian politically useful; all this doesn’t necessarily imply systematic distortion of the truth. In this connection, Julian’s political image is the exact opposite of the image of his predecessor: the reader is given the conviction that Constance, unlike Julian, would have achieved only a semblance (σχῆμα) of imperial power, and nothing more. Starting from the works by J. Bouffartigue on Julian and by P.-L. Malosse on Libanius and from relevant elements that can be found in various points of Libanian oratory works, it is possible to try to develop a theory about the use of monarchical power that, among other things, demonstrates several consonances with many passages from Historia Augusta.
10. PASCAL CÉLÉRIER
Les emplois ambigus et polémiques du terme μάρτυς chez Julien et Libanios – p. 197-222.
Abstract: In the polemics between pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity, some key words often allowed to intensify the conflict of ideas. In this way, the greek word μάρτυς had been christianized very early to refer to the victims of persecutions in Christian literature. But Julian, especially in his Letter to the Athenians, used this word μάρτυς for the pagan gods who helped the “martyr” Julian persecuted by Constantius. In this way, the word took a great place in the polemical project of Julian, which consisted in writing a pagan “anti-gospel” whose hero and author were himself. We can also observe this repaganisation of this term μάρτυς in several Julian’s letters: here, Julian used the word to describe the ideal pagan martyr, always in opposition to Christian martyrs. Moreover this lexical phenomenon is confirmed in Libanius’ julianic orations, in which he continued Julian’s polemical project. He was even the first pagan writer to borrow with irony the Christian metaphor of the “chorus of martyrs” (μαρτύρων χορός). Julian and Libanius, by their special use of this word, tried to transform themselves and their friends into pagan martyrs, able to rival the Christian ones.
11. ALDO CORCELLA
Un frammento di Eupoli in Coricio (F 403 = 408 K.-A.) – p. 223-227.
Abstract: The text of Eupolis quoted by Choricius, or. 1, 4, p. 3, 15-18 Foerster-Richtsteig (οὐδὲ κατὰ τὸν Εὔπολιν ἐξ ὁδοῦ τινας ἀγείρας εἰς θέατρον), registered as F 403 in PCG V, is in fact the same fragment known from Photius (PCG V, F 408: ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ὁδοῦ). The words ἀγείρας εἰς θέατρον are not a part of the fragment but are added by Choricius, and refer to his public, according to an usage well attested in his works.
12. UGO CRISCUOLO
Mimesi tragica in Libanio – p. 229-242.
Abstract: Greek Tragedy constitutes a basic component of Libanius’ literary mimesis. In this essay we point out many passages from the orations, the epistles, and from other ‘school texts’ of the Syrian rhetorician, which refer to the three great Greek tragedians, at least on semantic level. If it’s prudent to presuppose the intermediation of anthologies and proverbial repertories, we cannot exclude Libanius could have known directly some tragedies, particularly of Euripides. In the orations after the death of Julian (for instance orr. 17, 18, 24), we note Libanius’ tendency to apply to the Julianic vicissitudes typical tragic ‘categories’ (ὕβρις, δαίμων, φθόνος, ἁμαρτία etc.).
13. FRANÇOISE FRAZIER
De la physique à la métaphysique. Une lecture du De facie – p. 243-264.
Abstract: The Face on the Moon, the only Plutarch’s dialogue starting from a physical question, is still often analyzed as the collocation of two different parts, the first one devoted to physics et the second one to metaphysics, although some scholars have underlined that the dialogue approaches some metaphysical principles, whereas, conversely, the final myth resumes some physical questions. This paper suggests rereading these two parts as a whole and tries to shed light on the development of the thought through them: what means paying more attention to the literary shaping and substituting for the distinction between physics and metaphysics the articulation between logos and mythos.
14. MICHEL GRIFFE
L’évolution des formes métriques tardives dans les inscriptions d’Afrique romaine – p. 265-288.
Abstract: It is generally agreed upon that during Late Antiquity the Roman epigraphic poetry gradually lost the refinement and sophistication of the great classical tradition. The reality seems to be more complicated. At the time, while Virgil and Horace continued to be read, learnt and commentated on, talented poets were still capable of composing verses that were worthy of their models. But, during this same period, the Latin language was in the process of inexorably losing the distinction between short and long vowels, a distinction which the metrical music of the Greeks was so dependent on. This quality of the language could no longer be appreciated by an amateur listener, who was not previously trained and developed by the teaching of the grammaticus. If poets continued writing in this tradition, they would have been constrained to address their poetry to a very limited part of the Roman society, and would gradually have seen their art die out. Yet, the abundance of epigraphic testimonies including epitaphs and dedications in verse, demonstrates that, at least in Africa, there were still many admirers of poetry even in the most remote cities of the Empire. Poets of Late Roman Antiquity had to find a way to continue to follow in the footsteps of their predecessors, whom they greatly admired, while still addressing a wider audience. They did so by using a more accentuated pronunciation and even by inventing new rhythmic structures. In our article, we will endeavor to present this work of renewal in several examples of African epigraphic poems.
15. BERTRAND LANÇON
Libanios et Augustin malades. Les confidences nosologiques révélatrices de deux autobiographes dans le dernier tiers du IVe siècle – p. 289-304.
Abstract: Both Libanios’s 1st oration (AD 374) and Augustine’s Confessions (AD 397), remember and evoke the diseases they had to suffer during their lives. As the Antiochene rhetor seems rather talkative about his many pains, Augustine is more discrete. Libanios is a faithful pagan and Augustine a Christian writing about himself as a Christian child, then a Manichean and finally a converted Christian. Both consider doctors and medicine as unsuccessful and each of them turns his hope to his god. As Libanios feels anxiety and despair from his grieves, and fear facing death, he never gave up teaching. In another hand, Augustine considers illness as opportunities offered by God to lead him to conversion, and though perceiving illness with hope, he resigned his chair of rhetoric. Their respective dead-end street and opened way are symmetrically opposite. These two cases contribute into drawing new accurate features of a moving cultural and religious landscape of the third part of the 4th century: Pagan and Christian are now connected, now parallel, and now parallel, now divergent. The most prominent difference between Libanios and Augustine seems that between nonsense and spiritual meaning of illness’s pains of body and mind.
16. ENRICO V. MALTESE
Il testo genuino di Teodoro Studita, Epitafio per la madre (BHG 2422), e Giovanni Crisostomo: unicuique suum – p. 305-311.
Abstract: In ms. Parisinus Graecus 1491 (X saec. in.), codex unicus of the Funerary Catechism for His Mother by Theodore of Stoudios (759-826), ff. 94r-102v offer the genuine text, which ends abruptly (one or more missing folia between actual 102v and 103r are responsible for the incompleteness); ff. 103v-120r are a Chrysostomic and pseudo-Chrysostomic miscellany. By consequence the text now available in TLG online (ed. Pignani 2007, otherwise quite defective) is to be replaced (ed. Efthymiadis-Featherstone 2007, which attributes to Theodore only two lines of f. 103r, would be a much better alternate). In the series Codices Chrysostomici Graeci the second part of Codices Parisini should pay due attention to Parisinus Graecus 1491, ff. 103r-120r, in addition to other sections long since identified as Chrysostomic texts.
17. ANNICK MARTIN
La mort de l’empereur Julien : un document iconographique éthiopien – p. 313-330.
Abstract: In 2009, in the occasion of a travel in Ethiopia, I have send to our friend Jean Bouffartigue the photography of a modern picture seen in a little church of Lalibela, representing the Julian emperor’s death pierced by the S. Mercure’s spear climbed on a black horse. Then, Jean said to me his purpose, « sur (s)es vieux jours », of constitute a collection of pictures on this theme. Therefore I have thought to offer to him this little study: starting from a recall of the event itself and from the fabulation to what very soon it had given rise, and analyzing some iconographic specimens, in particular its modern picture.
18. ROBERT J. PENELLA
Silent Orators: On Withholding Eloquence in the Late Roman Empire – p. 331-347.
Abstract: This paper examines a number of late ancient texts in which orators, asked to speak, refuse and explain why. It sketches out a preliminary typology of the withholding of eloquence in late antiquity. Apart from circumstances beyond the orator’s control that fully prevented or curtailed a display of eloquence, an orator refrained from speaking because he was rusty in basic ways, unprepared for a specific theme and unwilling to speak extempore; because his audience was unqualified to hear him with appreciation; to prevent the audience from becoming sated with his skill, or to punish an unappreciative audience or specific individuals requesting an oration at whom he was angry. He may have refrained from speaking or curtailed his oration so as not to overtax an audience. Refusing to speak entailed a display of power, as did speaking itself; and in so refusing, the orator could make a statement about himself or his audience.
19. BERNARD POUDERON
Les citations vétérotestamentaires dans le Dialogue avec le juif Tryphon de Justin : entre emprunt et création – p. 349-393.
Abstract: Drawing a parallel with a paper of prof. Olivier Munnich on the Old Testament quotations by Justin, our analysis of these in the Dialogue, biblical book after biblical book, tends to prove that Justin has not constituted by himself any thematic collections of quotations for novices’ instruction, but has really used previous sources, some collections of testimonia. Nevertheless, we have to emphasize the particular contribution of Justin in his own exegesis, deeper than the previous. On the other hand, it seems that the Apologist has enriched by his own research the previous collections, and even that he has made his own selection in the case of some biblical books, such as the Psalms, Isaiah or Genesis.
20. ALBERTO QUIROGA PUERTAS
Breves apuntes al uso del rumor en las Res Gestae de Amiano Marcelino – p. 395-404.
Abstract: This paper aims to analyse the constant references to rumour in Ammianus’ Res Gestae. Rumour was an atechnos proof and a ubiquitous presence in Ammianus’ work that the historian tamed in order to integrate it into his cultural and political programme. The historian took recourse to rumour as an uncontrolled form of communication that he rhetorized and incorporated into his narrative, deploying it as a narrative element and thus eluding its slippery nature.
21. GIAMPIERO SCAFOGLIO
Città e acque nell’Ordo urbium nobilium di Ausonio – p. 405-419.
Abstract: In the Ordo urbium nobilium the pictures of cities often include references to rivers and/or sea. The poet achieves a two-pronged approach – both utilitarian and aesthetic – with the waters. In fact, on the one hand, he expresses a full awareness of their relevance for the defense of the cities (in such a difficult and troubled period), as well as he highlights the importance of rivers and sea for traveling, trade and cultural exchanges. On the other hand, from a psychological and aesthetic standpoint, the poem shows a new feeling, a new way of thinking and describing nature, that is Ausonius’ own way (as is found in his Mosella too); but this is also a sign of the times, the result of a secular evolution of mentality and consciousness in man’s conception of the natural world.
22. JACQUES SCHAMP
Thémistios, l’étrange préfet de Julien – p. 421-474.
Abstract: That Themistius and the emperor Julian had the opportunity to meet each other before the death of Constantius II is not supported by any evidence. However when in spring 351 Julian was allowed to carry on at his own expense his intellectual training in Asia Minor, Themistius was already famous in Constantinople for his philosophical skills. In the history of the relations between the two men, the main text is the epistle of Julian to Themistius, the interpretation of which remains difficult because it is a kind of distorting mirror, for the pre-vious letter of Themistius is lost. The epistle contains a summary of the prince’s action while dwelling and studying in Asia Minor and important comments about political philosophy, which express a deep discord. Moreover Themistius had so far no official charge and the new court of Julian needed no advisor neither for philosophy or for politics. After the trials of Chalcedon Themistius retired, as it seems, maybe also for family reasons. During Julian’s brief reign Constantinople had indeed a prefect of the City, but he was surely not Themistius, according to Himerius’ description. The lost Themistius’panegyric for Julian reached Libanius, but it is not preserved. Oriental texts mention a letter de republica gerenda of Themistius, Julian’s secretary, which was identified with Themistius’ panegyric. Actually this evidence reveals frequent confusions and does not bear any resemblance with Themistius’ vocabulary or way of thinking. Apparently the orator did not show any reaction when he was told of the emperor’s tragic death. Harsh criticisms at dead emperors do not lack in following orations, as is usual in contemporaneous rhetoric. However it can be read in Byzantine evidence that Themistius was prefect under Julian, for instance in the lemmas of the Greek Anthology for epigrams against Themistius, the author of which should have been Palladas. Actually the value of such later testimonies is far from being sure. Surprisingly the epistle to Themistius does not contain any allusion to Julian’s victories in Gaul. In spite of the manuscript tradition, one must consider that when he had written a letter to Julian Themistius had actually con-veyed a political message from Constantius II.
23. EMMANUEL SOLER
« Le songe de Julien » : mythes et révélation théurgique au IVe siècle apr. J.-C. – p. 475-496.
Abstract: In his Against Heracleios the Emperor Julian presented the dream that, according to him, gods had inspired him with and in which they had appeared to him and promised him the return of his soul by the side of Great Helios so that it could contemplate the Father of Gods in an eternal beatitude. In Julian’s dream, modelled on Scipio’s one which had been described in Cicero’s De Republica, the conditions stated by gods which permitted the return of Julian’s soul were that he fought the irreligious people, principally the Christians, and became initiated. The latter condition included initiations into Greek Mysteries, Iamblichus and Maximus of Ephesus’s Pythagorean, Neoplatonic and theurgic philosophy, the understanding of the architecture of the divine and of the divine locations and hierarchies, supposed to permit the theurgic soul’s happy journey up to the divine unity, the single King Helios, and its union with him or with the energy which was issued from him. According to Julian, the understanding of gods, made possible partly by a literal and religious exegesis of myths, aimed not only to practise scrupulously the traditional worships but mainly to reveal and identify the divine entities and the divine strata that his soul had to go through for uniting with Helios. Julian shared this aspiration with other theurgic philosophers such as Salustius who thought that the anagogè or the anodos, the soul’s ascent upwards, was possible because their idea of god did not suppose a solution of continuity between the different divine strata, and that the exegesis of myths permitted to identify cosmological formulas and to address them to gods as prayers of submission to a cosmic order able to guide the soul in its ascent upwards the superior spheres.
24. GIANLUCA VENTRELLA
Note critico-testuali all’Olimpico di Dione di Prusa (III) – p. 497-512.
Abstract: This paper aims to propose a new strategy of approach for Dio Chrysostom’s Olympic Discourse, whose constitutio textus, in spite of the numerous editions and studies from which the speech has benefited in the recent years, continues to raise strong doubts and perplexities.
25. ÉTIENNE WOLFF
Quelques notes sur Dracontius – p. 513-523.
Abstract: This paper takes the form of four notes on Dracontius: we compare Romulea 2, 120 with a passage from pseudo-Alexander of Aphrodisias; we examine the similarities between Dracontius and Latin Anthology; we illuminate Romulea 1, 14 by a passage of Fulgentius of Ruspe in the Ad Trasamundum; we wonder about a possible knowledge by Dracontius of the poems now lost from Lucan.
26. FRANÇOISE THELAMON
Échecs et vaines entreprises de Julien par manque de discernement des volontés divines – p. 525-544.
Abstract: Ammianus Marcellinus and Rufinus of Aquileia, each in his own way, help us understand the reasons and meanings, one about Julian’s unsuccessful attacks against Christians and the other one about his final failure in the war against Persians with his refusal to detect God’s wills. According to Rufinus, Julian, profanus princeps, callidior persecutor, with his subtle mind devoted to harm, attempted in vain to resist the divine plan. The Christian’s opposition or signs of Heaven overturned his undertakings. Eruditus, studiosus, this long time guarded scrupulous worshiper of Gods, deaf to the proper reading of signs, omina and wonders, switched to ungodliness and sacrileges according to Ammianus : the Genius publicus who legitimated him in Gaul, became sadly estranged.